The puppet arts in Bali can be found in the wayang Kamasan painting at Kamasan Village, Klungkung Regency. This painting inspired the creation and development of new handicraft in Bali. The objectives this research: 1. To find the wayang Kamasan painting in Klungkung Regency; 2. To find the development of handicraft types in Bali inspired by wayang Kamasan painting. This research used a qualitative descriptive approach, and data collection by observation, interview, and documentation. The results that wayang Kamasan painting is (...) estimated to have existed since the reign of the ancient Bali kingdom, which was during the reign of King Dalem Waturenggong in Semarapura Klungkung. The wayang Kamasan painting character painted on a canvas with a light brown base color, stiff, two-dimensional, and the description follows the applied standards. The figures depicted taken from Ramayana and Mahabharata story. The Balinese handicrafts inspired by wayang Kamasan painting include ceramics, wovens such as sokasi/keben, keris sheath, dulang, bokor, guitars, beruk, and others. The authors expect in the future the wayang Kamasan painting can survive, and emerges the world's concern for its preservation. (shrink)

Ṣadr al-Dīn Shīrāzī, Muḥammad ibn Ibrāhīm, -1641. Asfār al-arbaʻah fī al-ḥikmah. ; Islamic philosophy -- Iran.

al-mujallad 1. al-Sifr al-awwal min al-khalq ilá al-ḥaqq -- al-mujallad 2. al-Sifr al-thānī min al-khalq bi-al-ḥaqq fī al-ʻilm al-ṭabīʻī fī funūn sittah; al-Sifr al-thālith min al-ḥaqq ilá al-khalq bi-al-ḥaqq fī al-ʻilm al-ilāhī fī mawāqif ʻasharah; al-Sifr al-rābiʻ bi-al-ḥaqq fī al-khalq fī ʻilm al-nafs fī aḥad ʻashar bāban.

„Posocializmas“, „pokomunizmas“, „transformacija“ ir kiti semantiškai susiję žodžiai turi laikinumo atspalvį. Akademikai ir politikos formuotojai suvokė, kad šis laikotarpis bus sunkus eiliniams gyventojams. Svarstoma, kad Lietuvoje transformacijos laikotar­pis baigėsi – pavyzdžiui, 2004 m., šaliai įstojus į ES ir NATO. Tačiau nežinome, kada šis laikotarpis pasibaigė žiūrint iš Lietuvos gyventojų perspektyvos (jeigu apskritai pa­sibaigė). Todėl šiame straipsnyje siekiama atsakyti į klausimą, kokie su transformacija susiję periodai arba lūžiai išryškėja (jeigu išryškėja) socialinėje atmintyje. Straipsnyje laikomasi periodo definicijos, pagal kurią jis turi (...) ribas laike ir pavadinimą, suvokiamas kaip homogeniškas. Kokybiniai interviu, 2021 m. vasarą surinkti Panevėžyje, Jonavo­je ir kaimuose aplink šiuos miestus, analizuojami taikant refleksyviąją teminę analizę (RTA). Daroma išvada, kad transformacija yra glaudžiai įsipynusi į dabartinį Nepri­klausomybės laikotarpį. Viena vertus, kai kurie tyrimo dalyviai pasakojo apie „per­ versmo“, „suirutės“ laiką, kartais jį lygino su pokariu. Kita vertus, atmintyje kur kas ryškesnis bendras atkurtos Nepriklausomybės laikotarpis: jis suvokiamas kaip daug­maž homogeniškas laipsniškos kaitos laikas, kurį įmanu palyginti su stambiu periodu prieš esminį lūžį – sovietmečiu. (shrink)

Ṣadr al-Dīn Shīrāzī, Muḥammad ibn Ibrāhīm, -1641--Criticism and interpretation. ; Ṣadr al-Dīn Shīrāzī, Muḥammad ibn Ibrāhīm, -164 Asfār al-arbaʻah fī al-ḥikmah. ; Resurrection (Islam).

Critical study of Asfār al-arbaʻah fī al-ḥikmah, written by Muḥammad ibn Ibrāhīm Ṣadr al-Dīn Shīrāzī on Islamic philosophy.

Politikoje I 2 Aristotelis pateikia kontroversišką teiginį, kad polis pagal prigimtį turi pirmumą prieš individą. Straipsnyje siekiama rekonstruoti šį teiginį. Pastarojo meto tyrimai siūlo du būdus suprasti prigimtinį pirmenybiškumą Aristotelio veikaluose. Jį galima interpretuoti kaip „egzistencinį pirmumą“ arba kaip „pirmumą būtyje“. Teigiama, kad pirmasis variantas kelia problemų; jis neatveria priimtinos šio teiginio skaitymo Politikoje I 2 perspektyvos. Antroji alternatyva teikia patikimą prieigą prie šios mįslės. Taip pat teigiama, kad šios siūlomos teiginio iš Politikos I 2 (1253a18–27) interpretacijos egzegetinis tikėtinumas (...) dar labiau išauga, jei atkreipiame dėmesį į tai, kad Aristoteliui polis yra tam tikra hilomorfinės visumos rūšis. (shrink)

Māturīdism is an Ottoman identity and this identity was not limited, as is commonly believed, to the last period of the Empire. It maintained its formal existence throughout the Ottoman history. Nevertheless, the context in which the Māturīdism was located or with which it was associated changed in the course of time. In the early period when the eclectic way of thinking was dominant, Māturīdism as a creed was apparent mainly in the jurists whose ascetic identity was prominent and partly (...) in the mystical currents that were essentially continuations of Yasawiyya. At this point, the Bukhara-centered Ḥanafī legal literature played a distinctive role. At the time of Meḥmed II and in the following period during which the philosophical kalām dominated the scene, the Māturīdism was relatively passive and was in search of a position against the Ash‘arism. The new Rāzian paradigm of thought that began to be felt strongly in the Ottoman lands with Meḥmed II as an attempt of integration into the global circulation of knowledge prevented to a certain extent the visibility of Māturīdism. However, even in this period, Māturīdism was remarkably reflected in the muqaddimāt-i arba‘a literature which was directly sponsored by Meḥmed II. The tradition of philosophical kalām in the Ottoman scholarship, just when it was about to yield significant results, was interrupted due to the struggle against the Ṣafawids. Transformation of this political tension, at the same time, into a fight against Shiism also brought about a constriction in the religious thought of the Ottomans. Shiism and its all other variants were bitterly attacked under the main heading of Rāfiḍa. Unfortunately such a refutational approach proved a boomerang and returned in time striking the Ottoman Ṣūfīs who stood near the line of the Ardabil Shrine before its Shiitization. Ḥanafī fatwā literature was used extensively in the refutation texts against Ṣafawids. This brought to the fore at first the Ḥanafite and then the Māturīdite identity. This paper attempts to analyze this changing emphasis on Māturīdism in the Ottoman period and the political and intellectual factors that supported and nourished it. -/- SUMMARY It can be argued that the debates around Ash‘arism and Māturīdism in the Ottoman period and the resulting meant more than attempts of the members of the two sides to understand each other and that Māturīdism, particularly from the 16th century onwards, was gradually brought fore as the identity of Ottomans. In fact, this identity was not limited, as is commonly believed, to the last period of the Empire; it maintained, in form, its existence throughout the Ottoman history. Nevertheless, the context in which the Māturīdism was located or with which it was associated changed in the course of time. In the early period when the eclectic way of thinking was dominant, Māturīdism as a creed was apparent mainly in the jurists whose ascetic identity was prominent and partly in the mystical currents that were essentially continuations of Yasawiyya. At this point, the Bukhara-centered Ḥanafī legal literature played a distinctive role. At the time of Meḥmed II and in the following period during which the philosophical kalām dominated the scene, the Māturīdism was relatively passive and was in search of a position against the Ash‘arism. In this period, Ottoman scholars still embraced the Māturīdī-Ḥanafī line in their theological views. Ḫiḍir Beg’s al-Qaṣīda al-Nūniyya, and al-Khayālī’s commentary upon it, and the commentary written by Aḥmad b. Oġuz Dānishmand al-Aḳshahrī on al-I‘timād of Abū al-Barakāt al-Nasafī were the most noticeable Māturīdite texts from that time. Besides, al-Khayālī’s supercommentary (ḥāshiya) upon the commentary of al-Taftāzānī written on al-‘Aqā’id of Najm al-Dīn ‘Umar al-Nasafī was also of central importance. However, the new Rāzian paradigm of thought that began to be felt strongly in the Ottoman lands with Meḥmed II as an attempt of integration into the global circulation of knowledge prevented to a certain extent the visibility of Māturīdism. But, this should not be taken to mean that Māturīdism lost its ground of existence. That the Ash‘arite works produced in this new paradigm were transferred to and fully integrated in the madrasa curriculum was not because they were Ash‘arite texts but because they were the most original and highest achievements of the philosophical theology. These texts that aimed at combining all fields of knowledge on a single platform, despite the Ash‘arism they included, constituted the peak of the Islamic thought of the time. In the preference of these texts, the fact that the Māturīdī tradition generally stood, in course of time, distant to the philosophy and chose to continue the kalām in the classical line also played a role. Māturīdī theologians Muḥammad b. Ashraf al-Samarqandī, partly, but Ṣadr al-Sharī‘a al-Maḥbūbī, to a greater extent, were notable exceptions to this general Māturīdī tendency. These figures were theologically Māturīdite, but their framework of producing discourse was the combination of philosophy and kalām as with their Ash‘arī counterparts. Therefore, Ṣadr al-Sharī‘a’s criticism of Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī, and through him, of against the Ash‘arism in the context of muqaddimāt arba‘a was wholeheartedly supported by the Ottoman ulama. Even it was Meḥmed II who sponsored the debates regarding muqaddimāt arba‘a. The works written by such scholars as Muṣliḥ al-Dīn al-Kastallī, al-Ṣamṣūnī, ‘Alā’ al-Dīn al-‘Arabī, Mollā ‘Arab al-Anṭākī, Khaṭībzāde, Sa‘dī Chalabī during his and his son Bāyazid II’s reigns were the supercommentaries written upon the related chapter of al-Talwīḥ, al-Taftāzānī’s commentary on Ṣadr al-Sharī‘a’s al-Tawḍīḥ where the former responded to the criticism of the latter from an Ash‘arī point of view. The Ottoman ulama, in their workswere forced to choose between the two scholars and they mostly supported Ṣadr al-Sharī‘a and Māturīdism. The tradition of philosophical kalām in the Ottoman scholarship, just when it was about to yield significant results, was interrupted due to the struggle against the Ṣafawids. Transformation of this political tension, at the same time, into a fight against Shiism also brought about a constriction in the religious thought of the Ottomans. The reflex of of identifying oneself through ‘the other’ made, to a certain extent, the theological and philosophical debates regarding faith meaningless, and gradually gave the Ottoman Sunnism a doctrinal and political tone. In such a context, the Ottomans’ paradigm of producing thought in line with the philosophical kalām began to lose its function, and, the focus of scholarhsip shifted; Shiism with its all variants were began to be bitterly attacked under the main heading of Rāfiḍa. When the refutation texts composed from the reign of Bāyazid II onward to criticize the Ṣafawids are chronologically analyzed, it is seen that the contents of the texts evolved from criticism of Rāfiḍa to criticism of Sūfism. Ḥanafī fatwā literature was used extensively in these refutations. So the fatwās issued against Rāfiḍa and Ṣūfīs in malāmatī line in earlier centuries in different contexts for different reasons were employed to criticize the new opponents. This caused two important results: First, such an approach proved a boomerang and returned in time striking the Ottoman Ṣūfīs who stood near the line of the Ardabil Shrine before its Shiitization. Ḫalwatīs, Bayrāmīs, Gulshanīs, Baktāshīs and Mawlawīs were the sufi groups influenced by this situation in varying degrees. Second, Sunnism was exposed to the narrowization and centered around the fiqh, particularly Ḥanafī fiqh, in the context of Ḳāḍīzādelīs who were the main adversaries of above mentioned groups. The culture of catechism (‘ilm-i ḥāl) that came to the fore through the efforts of Ḳāḍīzādelīs was a crystallization and was mainly fuelled from this tension. Such a crystallization led the Ṣūfīs, the opponents of Ḳāḍīzādelīs, to a higher level of discourse deemphasizing the Ḥanafī aspect: They underscored the discourse of Ahl al-Sunna and four madhhabs, and mostly turned towards the Shāfiʿī and Ash‘arī traditions to look for support fortheir views. This process during which the emphasis of sharī‘a and tradition began to come to the fore once again paved the way for the zuhd and fiqh-centered religious thought that was maintained from the time of the Seljukids in Anatolia and was influential until Meḥmed II’ reign. Therefore in the Ottomans, particularly starting with the reign of Suleymān I, an intensive emphasis on Abū Ḥanīfa was witnessed. Abū Ḥanīfa was at the very center of the debates revolving around zuhd and fiqh which came about in the same period and in which the sharī‘a sensitivity was a determining factor. Al-Māturīdī, whose name was overshadowed for a long time by the name of Abū Ḥanīfa, but who became prominent in the tradition with Abū al-Mu‘īn al-Nasafī, had to transfer his gains for a period of time to Abū Ḥanīfa. Emphasis on Abū Ḥanīfa looks like a rope that when pulled, all the tradition comes with it. When the topics began to be discussed in a manner that would also include the theological context, the contribution of the works ascribed to Abū Ḥanīfa, namely al-Fiqh al-Akbar, al-Waṣiyya and al-‘Ālim wa al-Muta‘allim to the discussions would be limited. For this reason, the need to refer to al-Māturīdī or to the theological formation bearing his name was inevitable. So, the literature on the points of disagreements between the Ash‘arism and the Māturīdism developed both vertically and horizontally in the 18th century and, corollary to that, the debates of free will as a corolloary to that, once again brought Māturīdism to the fore. (shrink)

At the basis of Ghazali's criticisms of Ash'arite kalam is the thesis that its primary function is the defence of traditional Islamic belief, the 'aqida, against the distortions of heretical innovations (al-bida'). Kalam is not an end in itself and it is error to think that the mere engagement in it constitutes the experientially religious. In the I[hdotu]ya' he maintains in effect that when it is pursued as an end in itself, its dogmas can constitute a veil preventive of the (...) attainment of gnosis (ma'rifa). On the other hand, Ash'arite kalam when not pursued as an end in itself can be an aid in the quest after gnosis. This is implicit in his reference (in Kitab al-Arba'in) to his own major work of Ash'arite kalam, the Iqti[sdotu]ad fi al-i'tiqad, where he states that “it goes deeper in ascertaining [the truth] and is closer to knocking at the doors of gnosis than the official discourse encountered in the books of the mutakallimin.” The I[hdotu]ya' abounds with homilies, guides for the pious, particularly for those seeking mystical knowledge. Ash'arism pervades such homilies. Thus in Kitab al-Tawba, Ghazali formulates, analyzes and defends the concept of human choice in Ash'arite terms. He thus argues that each of the ingredients of this concept - knowledge, power, the decisive will, as well as the ensuing choice - is individually the direct creation of God. Not that the argument for this concept yields experiential knowledge of its meaning within the cosmic scheme of things. For Ghazali such knowledge is only attained through mystical vision. But the Ash'arite argument, when not pursued as an end in itself, can be an aid to the seekers of gnosis. It can bring them closer to knocking at its doors. (shrink)

Benamystė – tai viena iš socialinės atskirties formų, į kurią patekę žmonės dažnai atsiduria už pilietinės visuomenės ribų. Tyrimai rodo, kad benamių skaičius auga visose pasaulio šalyse. Siekiant kryptingai formuoti socialinės politikos priemones, ieškant būdų, kaip šiuos žmones integruoti į visuomenę, sumažinti jų skaičių arba palengvinti jų būvį, būtina pažinti šį reiškinį. Svarbu suvokti, kas yra benamystė ir kokie asmenys priskiriami benamių grupei, kodėl ir kaip jie netenka savo būsto. Straipsnyje daugiausia dėmesio skiriama benamystės kaip socialinio reiškinio teorinės sampratos (...) klausimams, pateikiamos galimos benamystės kategorijos ir formos. Aptariami benamystę lemiantys veiksniai bei jų tipai, aprašomas tapsmo benamiu procesas ir jo etapai. (shrink)

Straipsnyje analizuojamos nihilizmo įveikos (Verwindung) perspektyvos aptariant Heideggerio santykį su Rytų Azijos mąstymo tradicijomis (pirmiausia čan / zen ir daoizmu). Filosofo apibrėžtos moderniosios technikos esmės po-statos (Gestell, arba Ge-stell) įsivyravimą galime laikyti ir nihilizmo išsipildymo bei Vakarų mąstymo tradicijos pabaigos diagnoze. Atskleidžiant Vakarų metafizinės tradicijos pabaigos ir jos įveikos problematiką siekiama suprasti kitokio mąstymo atsiradimo galimybes žvelgiant į pometafizinio mąstymo horizontą. Heideggerio dialogas su Rytų mąstymo šaltiniais yra nihilizmo įveikos (Verwindung) perspektyvų ieškojimas, kas yra neatsiejama nuo savęs, kito ir (...) abipusio supratimo gilinimo. (shrink)

Lietuva 2013 m. pasirašė Europos Tarybos konvenciją dėl smurto prieš moteris ir smurto artimoje aplinkoje prevencijos ir kovos su juo (toliau – Stambulo konvencija arba Konvencija), tačiau iki šiol vis dar nėra jos ratifikavusi. 2024 m. kovo 14 d. Lietuvos Respublikos Konstitucinis Teismas priėmė išvadą dėl kai kurių Stambulo konvencijos nuostatų atitikties Lietuvos Respublikos Konstitucijai. Straipsnyje Stambulo konvencijos atitikties Konstitucijai klausimas yra nagrinėjamas platesniame Rytų ir Vidurio Europos valstybių kultūrinių, politinių, teisinių nesutarimų kontekste. Aptariamos šią Konvenciją supančios abejonės Rytų (...) ir Vidurio Europos valstybėse, šių valstybių konstitucinių teismų sprendimai dėl Stambulo konvencijos nuostatų konstitucingumo, taip pat analizuojamos Lietuvos abejonės dėl šios Konvencijos atitikties Konstitucijai ir Konstitucinio Teismo požiūris į jas. (shrink)

Socialinio darbo teoretikai sutinka, kad Pierre’o Bourdieu sociologijos įtaka sociali­ niam darbui plečiasi ir gilėja. Kita vertus, kai kalbama apie socialinio darbo profesiją, tie patys teoretikai ignoruoja P. Bourdieu nuostatą nuo profesijos tyrimų pereiti prie profesinio lauko analizės. P. Bourdieu profesijos fenomeną laikė biurokratinės pri­ gimties konceptualizacija, kuri įtvirtina mokslinio mąstymo logikai prieštaraujančias heteronomijos apraiškas. Straipsnyje siekiama įgyvendinti P. Bourdieu reikalavimą ir, pritaikius jį socialiniam darbui, nuo socialinio darbo profesijos analizės pereiti prie socialinio darbo profesinio lauko tyrimų. Straipsnyje ieškome atsakymo (...) į klausimą, kaip keičiasi su socialiniu darbu siejamų veiklos formų arba praktikų traktavimas, kai socialinio darbo profesijos analizę keičia socialinio darbo lauko tyrimas. Palyginę trijų skirtingų šalių – JAV, Japonijos ir Lietuvos – socialinio darbo profesinės veiklos lau­ kus, priėjome prie išvados, kad profesinio lauko, kitaip nei profesijos, požiūris sudaro prielaidas įtraukti į socialinio darbo lauką tas socialinio įgalinimo praktikas, kurios, socialinio darbo profesijos požiūriu, lieka anapus biurokratinio socialinio darbo reg­ lamento. (shrink)

Mulla Sadrā refers to ancient Greek philosophers in his writings quite often, especially when the subject matter is the soul. In this article, I will address how Mulla Sadra reiterates Avicenna’s summary and analyses of ancient theories of the soul as discussed in Safar 4, Bab 5, and Fasl 5 of, al-Hikmat al-Mutaʿāliya fi asfār al-ʿaqliyyat al-arbaʿa. The source of these discussions, when the structure and basic contents are considered, is Aristotle’s De Anima Book I. Before defining the soul, Aristotle (...) discusses what kind of a science, a science on the soul should be, and afterwards, he evaluates previous theories on the soul as those defining the soul through movement, perception, and life. We observe that this evaluation on previous theories play a preparatory role for his own definition of the soul as perfection and actualization. In a similar manner, in Safar 4, Bab 5, and Fasl 5 of Asfār al-aqliyyat al-arbaʿa, Mulla Sadrā reinterprets and discusses Ancient theories in such a way that the discussion leads us to a theory similar to Mulla Sadrā’s. In the presentation of this chapter, we find out that the soul is immaterial and modulated (tashkīkī) reality and is represented as a unity which is in a constant movement in its substance. The soul is matter in its origin, yet turns into an immaterial reality through substantial movement. In direct disagreement with Aristotelian philosophy, for Mulla Sadrā, movement in substance is possible as well as it is essential in understanding the reality of the soul. When Mulla Sadrā evaluates the ancient discussions and the criticisms by Avicenna, he finds that the discussion focuses on the source of mobility yet the soul is supposed to be defined as the source of immobility equally. Next in the discussion on movement, he focuses on the necessity of accepting the principle of substantial movement. According to Mulla Sadrā, Avicenna (following Aristotle’s presentation and interpretation) is misleading in his evaluation and criticisms of the ancient theories on the soul mainly because he follows a literalist reading. On the contrary, sources for Ancients’ knowledge is perennial wisdom, and their words on the soul have deeper meanings than what is understood at the first reading. When read with more trustful lenses, it will be manifested that the soul is an immaterial reality for them as well. For example, when they talk about the soul as a sphere, Mulla Sadrā thinks that they want to direct attention to the perfection. When fire is mentioned, the dynamic reality of the soul is brought to light. Mulla Sadrā, adds the principle of gradation (tashkīk) to his presentation and talks about modulation of fire from material fire to the immaterial light (nūr).The lowest level of fire is related to the changes in nature of the soul, the soul responsible of irascible and concupiscent establishes the next level. Once the soul is under total control, then it completes the passage to its incorporeality and becomes light. So this chapter is important in its structure because it allows us to read into how Sadrā’s historical reiteration is influenced by his own theoretical framework on the one hand. On the other hand, thanks to the long lineage of De Anima commentary literature, we can compare Sadrā with Aristotelian readings in this chapter. The interpretative reading of Mulla Sadrā, in opposition to the literalist reading of Avicenna on the ancient theories, also leans on a history of other philosophers before him. In this regard, a lineage of historiography might be traced back to Āmirī, Qādi Saʿīd, and Shahristāni. What the article comes to conclude is that a particular presentation found in Aristotles’ De Anima- Book I is molded in Mulla Sadrā’s hands with a more interpretative version of pre-Socratic theories to such an extent to support Mulla Sadra’s own theories on the soul. (shrink)

Straipsnyje analizuojama fenomenologinë intencionalumo samprata Husserlio Loginiuose tyrinëjimuoseir vëlesniuose jo raðtuose. Siekiama parodyti, jog paèioje statiðkoje intencionalumo sampratoje jau yraimplikuotos jos genetinio pratæsimo galimybës. Fenomenologinë intencionalumo samprata negali bûtiredukuota á teoriná santyká su paþinimo objektu, nes joje iðryðkëja praktinis ir tranzityvus judesio linktikslo realizavimo pobûdis. Fenomenologija atmeta neintencionaliø iðgyvenimø sampratà, nes tokie ið-gyvenimai negali bûti apraðomi kaip fenomenai, taèiau pripaþásta, jog në vienas intencionalus iðgyvenimas ar jo suponuojamas tikslas negali bûti realizuojamas galutinai. Kitaip sakant, kiekvienam iðgyvenimui bûdingas ne tik universalaus (...) sàmoningumo siekis, bet ir neásisàmonintas arba nerealizuotas patyrimas. Patyrime patiriame ne tik tai, kas esama, bet ir tai, kas patiriama sykiu kaip kita.Pagrindiniai þodþiai: fenomenologija, intencionalumas, sàmonë, fenomenas, tranzityvumas. (shrink)

Lietuvai atkūrus nepriklausomybę ir įstojus į Europos Sąjungą suaktyvėjo Lietuvos gyventojų judumas, kuris sudarė prielaidas naujoms veikloms, karjeros galimybėms ir šeiminio gyvenimo formoms. 1980–2000 m. gimusiųjų asmeninio gyvenimo planavimas vyko aplinkoje, kuri labai skyrėsi nuo jų tėvų asmeninį gyvenimą formavusios sovietmečio aplinkos. Dalyvavimas migraciniuose procesuose per tėvų, artimųjų arba asmenines patirtis formavo asmeninio gyvenimo lūkesčius ir elgseną, keliančius visuomenės nerimą dėl jaunų žmonių išvykimo iš Lietuvos ir šeiminių ryšių transformacijos mobilumo sąlygomis. Pasitelkiant Carol Smart (2007) asmeninio gyvenimo koncepcijoje pasiūlytas (...) teorines idėjas apie socialinės aplinkos, kasdienių praktikų ir asmeninių projektų sąryšį, straipsnyje analizuojama, kaip globali migracija formuoja 1980–2000 m. gimusių ir nepriklausomoje Lietuvoje augusių asmenų migracinius ketinimus, susisaistymo su Lietuva ir šeiminio gyvenimo vaizdinius. Remiantis dviejų Lietuvos gyventojų reprezentatyvių apklausų bei migracinės patirties turinčių asmenų kvotinės apklausos duomenimis, surinktais įgyvendinant Lietuvos mokslo tarybos (LMT) finansuotus mokslininkų grupių projektus, statistinės analizės rezultatais, autorės nagrinėja, kaip jaunimas kuria ateities planus, kokia dalis jų svarsto išvykti iš šalies, kaip migracinės praktikos koreguoja šeiminio gyvenimo įsivaizdavimą. Straipsnyje atskleidžiama, kaip nepriklausomybės laikotarpiu susiformavusi atvira visuomenė ir mobili socialinė aplinka sukūrė prielaidas lanksčiam susisaistymui su savo kilmės šalimi ir savitam jaunų žmonių supratimui apie šeiminį gyvenimą. (shrink)

Socialinė politika vaidina svarbų vaidmenį formuojant žmonių gyvenimus. Siekiame išsiaiškinti, kaip posovietinė pertvarka socialinės politikos srityje keičia šiuolaikinėje Lietuvoje gyvenančių žmonių gyvenimo eigą. Siekiant šio tikslo, straipsnyje naudojama L. Leiseringo ir R. Walkerio (1998) pasiūlyta „gyvenimo eigos politikos“ analizės schema. Analizė rodo, kad Lietuva iš savo autoritarinės praeities paveldėjo stiprius gyvenimo eigos struktūravimo, integracijos ir normų formavimo mechanizmus. Vis dėlto šie mechanizmai silpsta arba yra adaptuojami prie šiuolaikinio socialinio, ekonominio ir politinio konteksto. Dėl to šiuolaikinę Lietuvą galima priskirti pofordistiniam (...) gyvenimo eigos režimui, kuris pasižymi gyvenimo eigos destandartizacija, depolitizacija ir didesniu socialinės politikos institucijų lankstumu. Perėjimas prie šio gyvenimo eigos režimo mūsų šalyje įvyko vėliau, palyginti su kitomis Vakarų Europos šalimis. Dabartinį gyvenimo eigos politikos režimą Lietuvoje taip pat galima apibūdinti kaip silpnai integruotą „segmentuoto saugumo“ modelį, kuriam būdingas atotrūkis tarp tų, kurie dalyvauja socialinio draudimo sistemoje, ir tų, kurie yra už jos ribų. (shrink)

Straipsnyje analizuojama fenomenologinë intersubjektyuvumo samprata Husserlio Karteziðkosiose meditacijose. Jose autorius tyrinëja ne konkreèias socialumo formas ar personalinio santykio að – tu subtilybes, bet atvirumo kitam prielaidas. Dëmesys sutelkiamas á konstitutyvinæ kito prasmës genezæ. Husserlis ásigilina á savasties patirtá parodydamas jos parodoksalø susvetimëjimà su savimi. Tiek savo kûno,tiek savo laiko patirtis atskleidþiama kaip reikalaujanti kitybës. Tiksliau sakant, tokia kûno ir laikopatirtis negalima kaip tapatybë su savimi. Tik patirdamas savo kûnà kaip tarpkûniðkumà, galiu atsikratyti vidujybës ir iðorybës, imanencijos ir transcendencijos prietaro. Kitybës (...) dalyvavimà esamybëjeHusserlis apraðo aprezentacijos arba implikacijos terminais, o „poravimasis“ yra svarbiausias tarpkû-niðkos jungties su kitu apibûdinimas. Kito prasmës kilmæ paaiðkina ne metafiziðkai postuluota transcendencija, bet susiporavimo su kitu patirties apraðymas.Pagrindiniai þodþiai: fenomenologija, intersubjektyvumas, kitas, gyvenamas kûnas, tarpkûniðkumas, implikacija, poravimasis. (shrink)

Straipsnyje analizuojamos Søreno Kierkegaard’o filosofinio personažo Teisėjo Vilhelmo etinės pažiūros. Įprastai Teisėjas Vilhelmas yra siejamas su Hegelio filosofine teorija, kurioje siektinas etinis gyvenimas yra suprantamas kaip Sittlichkeit, vyraujančių etinių bei moralinių normų laikymasis. Analizuojant S. Kierkegaard’o veikalo Arba / arba II dalį, straipsnyje kvestionuojamas tokios sąsajos pagrįstumas ir atskleidžiama, kad esama nemažai argumentų, leidžiančių permąstyti Teisėją Vilhelmą kaip Immanuelio Kanto etikos atstovą.

How do people attribute responsibility in situations where the contributions of multiple agents combine to produce a joint outcome? The prevalence of over-determination in such cases makes this a difficult problem for counterfactual theories of causal responsibility. In this article, we explore a general framework for assigning responsibility in multiple agent contexts. We draw on the structural model account of actual causation (e.g., Halpern & Pearl, 2005) and its extension to responsibility judgments (Chockler & Halpern, 2004). We review the main (...) theoretical and empirical issues that arise from this literature and propose a novel model of intuitive judgments of responsibility. This model is a function of both pivotality (whether an agent made a difference to the outcome) and criticality (how important the agent is perceived to be for the outcome, before any actions are taken). The model explains empirical results from previous studies and is supported by a new experiment that manipulates both pivotality and criticality. We also discuss possible extensions of this model to deal with a broader range of causal situations. Overall, our approach emphasizes the close interrelations between causality, counterfactuals, and responsibility attributions. (shrink)

I. G. McFetridge; VII*—Propositions and Davidson's Account of Indirect Discourse, Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, Volume 76, Issue 1, 1 June 1976, Page.